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Showing 101 - 120 of 863 items
By John Hagan. 2010
How did the United States go from being a country that tries to rehabilitate street criminals and prevent white-collar crime…
to one that harshly punishes common lawbreakers while at the same time encouraging corporate crime through a massive deregulation of business? Why do street criminals get stiff prison sentences, a practice that has led to the disaster of mass incarceration, while white-collar criminals, who arguably harm more people, get slaps on the wrist--if they are prosecuted at all? In Who Are the Criminals?, one of America's leading criminologists provides new answers to these vitally important questions by telling how the politicization of crime in the twentieth century transformed and distorted crime policymaking and led Americans to fear street crime too much and corporate crime too little. John Hagan argues that the recent history of American criminal justice can be divided into two eras--the age of Roosevelt (roughly 1933 to 1973) and the age of Reagan (1974 to 2008). A focus on rehabilitation, corporate regulation, and the social roots of crime in the earlier period was dramatically reversed in the later era. In the age of Reagan, the focus shifted to the harsh treatment of street crimes, especially drug offenses, which disproportionately affected minorities and the poor and resulted in wholesale imprisonment. At the same time, a massive deregulation of business provided new opportunities, incentives, and even rationalizations for white-collar crime--and helped cause the 2008 financial crisis and subsequent recession. The time for moving beyond Reagan-era crime policies is long overdue, Hagan argues. The understanding of crime must be reshaped and we must reconsider the relative harms and punishments of street and corporate crimes.By R. Ben Penglase. 2014
The residents of Caxambu, a squatter neighborhood in Rio de Janeiro, live in a state of insecurity as they face…
urban violence Living with Insecurity in a Brazilian Favela examines how inequality, racism, drug trafficking, police brutality, and gang activities affect the daily lives of the people of Caxambu. Some Brazilians see these communities, known as favelas, as centers of drug trafficking that exist beyond the control of the state and threaten the rest of the city. For other Brazilians, favelas are symbols of economic inequality and racial exclusion. Ben Penglase's ethnography goes beyond these perspectives to look at how the people of Caxambu themselves experience violence Although the favela is often seen as a war zone, the residents are linked to each other through bonds of kinship and friendship. In addition, residents often take pride in homes and public spaces that they have built and used over generations. Penglase notes that despite poverty, their lives are not completely defined by illegal violence or deprivation. He argues that urban violence and a larger context of inequality create a social world that is deeply contradictory and ambivalent. The unpredictability and instability of daily experiences result in disagreements and tensions, but the residents also experience their neighborhood as a place of social intimacy. As a result, the social world of the neighborhood is both a place of danger and safety.By Christopher Paul, Colin P. Clarke, Chad C. Serena. 2014
Despite the scope of the threat they pose to Mexico's security, violent drug-trafficking organizations are not well understood, and optimal…
strategies to combat them have not been identified. While there is no perfectly analogous case to Mexico's current security situation, historical case studies may offer lessons for policymakers as they cope with challenges related to violence and corruption in that country.By Gary T. Lowenthal. 2003
When Professor of Law Gary T. Lowenthal takes a sabbatical and descends from the ivory towers of academia, he finds…
himself in a very different system of criminal justice than the one her trains his students to expect. Working in the trenches at the county attorney's office, he becomes entangled in a provocative kidnapping trial, one that takes him deep into a dark and disturbing world of criminals, victims, attorneys and judges, where innocence isn't always the best defense.By Gerard O Neill. 2012
John Connolly and James Whitey Bulger grew up together on the tough streets of…
South Boston Decades later in the mid-1970s they met again By then Connolly was a major figure in the FBI s Boston office and Whitey had become godfather of the Irish Mob Connolly had an idea a scheme that might bring Bugler into the FBI fold and John Connolly into the Bureau s big leagues But Bulger had other plans Soon to be a major motion picture starring Johnny Depp as Whitey Bulger Black Mass is the chilling true story of what happened between them a dark deal that spiraled out of control leading to drug dealing racketeering and murderBy Anthony V. Bouza. 2001
Former chief of police in Minneapolis and commander of the Bronx police force Tony Bouza pulls no punches in this…
blunt, candid assessment of police culture. Emphasizing the gap between the average citizen's perception of police work and the day-to-day reality of life as a cop, Bouza reveals the inner dynamics of a secretive, fraternal society that will do almost anything to protect itself. The strong bonds of loyalty among police both inspire individual acts of heroism in the face of danger but also repress full disclosure of the truth when corruption or abuse of power are suspected, says Bouza. Young rookies are quickly molded by the unspoken rules and the code of silence that govern a cop's professional life, and they soon learn that physical but not moral courage is expected.Bouza evaluates sweeps, roundups, sting operations, the controversial practice of racial profiling, and the politics of law enforcement. He critically examines the excesses, abuses, and corruption of the New York, Los Angeles, and Minneapolis police forces, among others, offering insights into what went wrong in the infamous Louima and Diallo cases.But his most telling criticism is not directed against the police per se but against our society's ruling elites and the middle class, who give police the unmistakable message that the underclass must be kept down and property owners protected at all costs. He charges that the heart of the problem of both crime and police abuse in America is our tacitly accepted class structure separating the privileged from the poor, and along with it the systemic racism that society as a whole is not yet willing to face. Bouza concludes his critique on a positive note with straightforward proposals on how to make the police more ethical and effective.This controversial, eye-opening book by a veteran insider exposes a reality that TV cop shows never portray and raises serious moral questions about class and race.From the Hardcover edition.By David Taylor, Keith Laybourn. 2015
The onset of the automobile, both cars and other vehicles, on British roads brought about a seismic change in the…
social, economic and political history of Britain. Cars fundamentally challenged the established democracy of the road by forcing the authorities to channel the pedestrian, and children, out of the way of the unforgiving automobile and educating them in exercising road safety. They also forced the police to implement the three Es of 'Enforcement, Engineering and Education' – enforcing the law of the road, pressing for new technology for signals and other technologies, and educating school children - in an impartial attempt to ensure that life was protected. In this process, the police should not be seen as the tools of the motorists, middle class or working class, but as the impartial enforcers of legislation, introducing as such the 'policeman-state'. Consequently, policing fundamentally changed in Britain between 1900 and 1970, as the police moved from their 'feet to their seats' in controlling traffic as British policing became more integrated and introduced new technology and modern systems.By Xuezhi Guo. 2012
China's Security State describes the creation, evolution, and development of Chinese security and intelligence agencies as well as their role…
in influencing Chinese Communist Party politics throughout the party's history. Xuezhi Guo investigates patterns of leadership politics from the vantage point of security and intelligence organization and operation by providing new evidence and offering alternative interpretations of major events throughout Chinese Communist Party history. This analysis promotes a better understanding of the CCP's mechanisms for control over both Party members and the general population. This study specifies some of the broader implications for theory and research that can help clarify the nature of Chinese politics and potential future developments in the country's security and intelligence services.By Boris Morros, Charles Samuels. 1959
Boris Morros was a successful Hollywood producer and a highly regarded musician and impresario. His life had been a legendary…
success story even in the flamboyant annals of show business. What chain of events in 1936 led him into serving the interests of a Soviet spy ring? What even more dramatic events brought him into the office of the FBI in 1947 to take on the role of a United States counterspy? How did Morros manage to deceive Communist agents and help provide the evidence which resulted, in the exposure and conviction of the, leaders of the spy ring? This book, for the first time, unfolds the entire drama of the ten-year ordeal of Boris Morros.By John Mueller. 2006
Why have there been no terrorist attacks in the United States since 9/11? It is ridiculously easy for a single…
person with a bomb-filled backpack, or a single explosives-laden automobile, to launch an attack. So why hasn't it happened? The answer is surely not the Department of Homeland Security, which cannot stop terrorists from entering the country, legally or otherwise. It is surely not the Iraq war, which has stoked the hatred of Muslim extremists around the world and wasted many thousands of lives. Terrorist attacks have been regular events for many years -- usually killing handfuls of people, occasionally more than that. Is it possible that there is a simple explanation for the peaceful American homefront? Is it possible that there are no al-Qaeda terrorists here? Is it possible that the war on terror has been a radical overreaction to a rare event? Consider: 80,000 Arab and Muslim immigrants have been subjected to fingerprinting and registration, and more than 5,000 foreign nationals have been imprisoned -- yet there has not been a single conviction for a terrorist crime in America. A handful of plots -- some deadly, some intercepted -- have plagued Europe and elsewhere, and even so, the death toll has been modest. We have gone to war in two countries and killed tens of thousands of people. We have launched a massive domestic wiretapping program and created vast databases of information once considered private. Politicians and pundits have berated us about national security and patriotic duty, while encroaching our freedoms and sending thousands of young men off to die. It is time to consider the hypothesis that dare not speak its name: we have wildly overreacted. Terrorism has been used by murderous groups for many decades, yet even including 9/11, the odds of an American being killed by international terrorism are microscopic. In general, international terrorism doesn't do much damage when considered in almost any reasonable context. The capacity of al-Qaeda or of any similar group to do damage in the United States pales in comparison to the capacity other dedicated enemies, particularly international Communism, have possessed in the past. Lashing out at the terrorist threat is frequently an exercise in self-flagellation because it is usually more expensive than the terrorist attack itself and because it gives the terrorists exactly what they are looking for. Much, probably most, of the money and effort expended on counterterrorism since 2001 (and before, for that matter) has been wasted. The terrorism industry and its allies in the White House and Congress have preyed on our fears and caused enormous damage. It is time to rethink the entire enterprise and spend much smaller amounts on only those things that do matter: intelligence, law enforcement, and disruption of radical groups overseas. Above all, it is time to stop playing into the terrorists' hands, by fear-mongering and helping spread terror itself.By David Beatty. 1995
A comprehensive introduction to constitutional law, accessible to non- specialists as well as students of law and political science. Beatty…
(law, U. of Toronto) reviews the leading cases that have come before the Privy Council and the Supreme Court of Canada concerning the BNA Act and the Charter of Rights and Freedoms. He also reviews important decisions made by courts around the world, and analyzes the function judges perform in liberal-democratic societies when they enforce written constitutions that include bills of rights. Annotation c. by Book News, Inc. , Portland, Or.By Robert C. Davis. 2012
Historically, police agencies have measured their performance against a restricted set of crime-focused indicators, but modern police officers must be…
prepared to take on a wide variety of roles. Performance measures should be multidimensional to capture this complexity. This report describes some key considerations in designing measures to evaluate law enforcement agencies and includes a detailed review of some international best practices.By D. A. Andrews, James Bonta. 2010
The Psychology of Criminal Conduct, Fifth Edition, discusses the psychology of criminal behavior, drawing upon general personality, as well as…
cognitive-behavioral and cognitive social learning perspectives. The book consists of 15 chapters, which are organized into four sections. Part 1 provides an overview of theoretical context and major knowledge base of the psychology of criminal conduct. Part 2 discusses the eight major risk/need factors of criminal conduct. Part 3 examines the prediction and classification of criminal behavior, along with prevention and rehabilitation. Part 4 summarizes the major issues in understanding criminal conduct. In addition to senior undergraduate students, graduate students, and professionals in psychology, this book may be helpful to students and practitioners in the fields of social work, sociology, education, health, youth and family studies, criminology, and youth and adult justice. The book is also accessible to members of the general public who are interested in understanding antisocial behavior. Resource notes throughout explain important concepts. Technical notes at the back of the book allow the advanced student to explore complex research without distracting readers from the main points. An acronym index is also provided.By John Mueller. 2006
Why have there been no terrorist attacks in the United States since 9/11? It is ridiculously easy for a single…
person with a bomb-filled backpack, or a single explosives-laden automobile, to launch an attack. So why hasn't it happened? The answer is surely not the Department of Homeland Security, which cannot stop terrorists from entering the country, legally or otherwise. It is surely not the Iraq war, which has stoked the hatred of Muslim extremists around the world and wasted many thousands of lives. Terrorist attacks have been regular events for many years -- usually killing handfuls of people, occasionally more than that. Is it possible that there is a simple explanation for the peaceful American homefront? Is it possible that there are no al-Qaeda terrorists here? Is it possible that the war on terror has been a radical overreaction to a rare event? Consider: 80,000 Arab and Muslim immigrants have been subjected to fingerprinting and registration, and more than 5,000 foreign nationals have been imprisoned -- yet there has not been a single conviction for a terrorist crime in America. A handful of plots -- some deadly, some intercepted -- have plagued Europe and elsewhere, and even so, the death toll has been modest. We have gone to war in two countries and killed tens of thousands of people. We have launched a massive domestic wiretapping program and created vast databases of information once considered private. Politicians and pundits have berated us about national security and patriotic duty, while encroaching our freedoms and sending thousands of young men off to die. It is time to consider the hypothesis that dare not speak its name: we have wildly overreacted. Terrorism has been used by murderous groups for many decades, yet even including 9/11, the odds of an American being killed by international terrorism are microscopic. In general, international terrorism doesn't do much damage when considered in almost any reasonable context. The capacity of al-Qaeda or of any similar group to do damage in the United States pales in comparison to the capacity other dedicated enemies, particularly international Communism, have possessed in the past. Lashing out at the terrorist threat is frequently an exercise in self-flagellation because it is usually more expensive than the terrorist attack itself and because it gives the terrorists exactly what they are looking for. Much, probably most, of the money and effort expended on counterterrorism since 2001 (and before, for that matter) has been wasted. The terrorism industry and its allies in the White House and Congress have preyed on our fears and caused enormous damage. It is time to rethink the entire enterprise and spend much smaller amounts on only those things that do matter: intelligence, law enforcement, and disruption of radical groups overseas. Above all, it is time to stop playing into the terrorists' hands, by fear-mongering and helping spread terror itself.By Marten W. Brienen, Jonathan D. Rosen. 2015
The U. S. -led war on drugs has failed: drugs remain purer, cheaper and more readily available than when the…
war on drugs began in 1971. The drug war also has resulted in extreme levels of violence as drug traffickers and organized criminals compete for control of territory. Prohibitionist policies have destroyed the lives of millions of people as prisons warehouse drug offenders. This important volume represents an effort to map new approaches to drug policies. The contributors write from various disciplinary backgrounds and provide crucial insights on a wide-range of topics, including the gang-drug nexus, delinquency, legalization, trafficking, decriminalization, intervention programs and prison reform. This volume also provides a number of policy solutions and alternatives to the current drug strategies. Includes contributions from: Marten W. Brienen, Ted Galen Carpenter, Roger G. Dunham, Gregory Fulkerson, Betty Horwitz, Caitlin Elizabeth Hughes, Hanna Samir Kassab, Ana Maria Lobos, Bradford R. McGuinn, Fida Mohammad, Keri O'Neal, J. Bryan Page, Susan A. Phillips, Vanessa Rayan, Jonathan D. Rosen, Alex Stevens, Steven L. West, and Marcelo Rocha e Silva Zorovich.By Welsh S. White. 2001
Did the Supreme Court's upholding of Miranda in 2000 adversely impact law enforcement, as conservatives have complained, or was it…
a reaffirmation of individual rights? Welsh S. White looks at both sides of the issue, emphasizing that Miranda represents just one stage in the Court's ongoing struggle to accommodate a fundamental conflict between law enforcement and civil liberties, and assessing whether the Court's present decisions (including Miranda) strike an appropriate balance between promoting law enforcement's interest in obtaining reliable evidence and the individual's interest in being protected from overreaching police practices.By Tom Latourrette, James M. Anderson, Keith Gierlack, Shara Williams, Lauren A. Mayer, Johanna Zmud. 2014
Because license plate reader (LPR) technology is relatively new in the United States, opportunities and obstacles in its use in…
law enforcement are still under exploration. To examine issues about this technology, RAND conducted interviews with law enforcement personnel, police officers, and others responsible for procuring, maintaining, and operating the systems.By Paul Knepper. 2011
Between 1919 and 1939, crime received a prominent place on the international public agenda. This book explores the blueprint for…
twenty-first century international crime prevention - The League of Nations approach - which established institutions for confronting dangerous drugs, traffic in women and terrorist violence.By Adrian James. 2013
Foreword from Professor Emeritus Robert Reiner, London School of Economics, UK. This book provides a critical examination of intelligence-led policing…
strategies, including an investigation of innovative strategies such as Problem Oriented Policing (POP), problem-solving, and community policing, and in-depth analyses of the Kent Policing Model, which became the template for ILP models across the world, and the UK's National Intelligence Model (NIM). Intelligence-led policing (ILP) approaches have proved particularly attractive to senior police officers and policymakers because they promise to deliver more efficient and effective solutions to the problems of crime than traditional policing practices. However, this book shows that these approaches have delivered far less than their supporters would have us to believe. In part, this has been because of what James terms as 'police orthodoxy'. However, this cannot wholly explain the relative failure of ILP in Britain and elsewhere in the developed world. Drawing on a range of material including extensive interviews with key NIM figures including ACPO members, senior police managers, intelligence workers, police detectives and staff, James questions to what extent British policing can truly be said to be intelligence-led, and whether there is a popular mandate for an alternative to traditional Peelian practice, where police aim simply to deliver intelligent rather than intelligence-led policing. The book provides important insights into the debate on intelligence-led policing and the mechanics and politics of policy development. As such it will be of great value within the policing sphere and more broadly for public policy studies.By Karen Bullock. 2014
Analysing the historical circumstances and theoretical sources that have generated ideas about citizen and community participation in crime control, this…
book examines the various ideals, outcomes and effects that citizen participation has been held to stimulate and how these have been transformed, renegotiated and reinvigorated over time.